Employment Week 2010
 
 
Employment Week 2010
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Shaping Lisbon's Legacy: The EU's very discreet debate on who will make foreign policy

9/25/2008
Author : Friends of Europe (FoE - Belgium)
 
Introduction
While the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty continues across the European Union, debates and discussions behind closed doors are intensifying in Brussels on how the EU will in future organise and present itself across the full range of external affairs issues – from foreign and security policy to trade and development. It is a vital debate for the EU’s future role in the world.

The Lisbon Treaty creates two new top posts – a permanent president of the European Council and a ‘double-hatted’ high representative of the Union for foreign affairs and security policy who will also be a vice-president of the European Commission. These two posts, along with the president of the European Commission, will constitute the EU’s main three faces to the world, and all three of them will have a role in the EU’s external affairs. The rotating presidency, though still in existence, will no longer – or so it is intended – contribute to the EU’s external representation.

The EU’s new high representative will preside over a European diplomatic service – the European External Action Service (EEAS) and be responsible for the Union’s delegations to third countries and international organisations. The future structure and scope of the EEAS are already being discussed and, in many cases, hotly contested in high-level formal and informal discussions. Any areas, such as defence, that may end up outside the EEAS will nonetheless, as provided for in the treaty, also be under the authority of the high representative. He or she will also preside over the foreign affairs council, and at the same time will have responsibility for the Commission’sexternal relations and for coordinating other aspects of the EU’s external action. It’s a vast job.

Although the Lisbon Treaty defines the broad responsibilities of the three top EU jobs – the Commission and Council presidents and the high representative – ambiguities remain with considerable potential for overlap and duplication. The mid-year European Council summit is expected to have an informal – possibly dinner – discussion of the scope of these three jobs (with German Chancellor Angela Merkel said to have proposed the leaders discuss five or six main questions on this).

The overall intention of these new posts and structures is to increase the coherence, clarity and clout of the EU in its global activities, combined with the new set of principles and goals for the EU’s international actions set out in the Lisbon Treaty. Given the range of EU external activities from trade, development, environment and enlargement to foreign and security policy, the EU has the potential to increase substantially its ‘soft power’ impact in the world, if it gets this right.

But there is a risk that these broader dimensions of the EU’s interests and goals in its external activities are lost sight of in the discussions currently under way. Firstly, the – for now – highly restricted, closed-door discussions about these three jobs and the EEAS risk becoming a power battle or turffight, not only between Commission and Council secretariats but also between these two institutions and the member states. Secondly, the resulting structures and division of responsibilities, depending how they are drawn, may create new dividing lines and in some areas less not more coherence.

This paper analyses some of the main discussions and range of views currently being explored in the on-going high-level meetings that are considering these issues. It draws on a set of off-the-record interviews with a number of people close to, or actually engaged in, these discussions. The aim is to throw some light on these discussions and encourage a broader debate while options are still genuinely open.

The paper first considers the processes that are under way and the likely timing of future debate and decision. It then looks at some of the issues concerning the top three jobs before considering in more detail a range of issues thrown up by the process of designing the future EEAS.

Read the full report at here
 
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Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (WIIW) (Austria) 
Fundacion para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Dialogo Exterior (FRIDE) (Spain)
 
Center for International Studies at the University of Cambridge (United Kingdom)   Faculty of International relations at the University of Economics in Prague (UEP) (Czech Republic) 
Kiel Institute for World Economics (Germany) 
Real Instituto Elcano de Estudios Internacionales y Estratégicos (Spain)
 
The Institute of Democratic Politics (IDP) (Lithuania)    Department of International Relations at the University of Padua (Italy)
 Institut der deutschen Wirtschaft Köln (Germany)
Institute of Public Affairs (IPA) (Poland)
 
Geneva School of Diplomacy and International Relations (Switzerland)    Friends of Europe (Belgium)
Mannheim Centre for European Social Research (MZES) (Germany) 
Hellenic Foundation for European & Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP) (Greece)
 
Institute for World Economics (IWE) (Hungary)    Russia in Global Affairs (Russian Federation)
Institute of European Affairs (IEA) (Ireland) 
Institute for Strategic and International Studies (IEEI) (Portugal)
 
Institute for International Relations (IMO) (Croatia)    Centre for European Integration Studies (CEIS) (Georgia)
Confrontations Europe (France) 
European Institute of the Mediterranean (IEMed) (Spain)
 
Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence at Freie Universität Berlin (Germany)    Faculty of studies of the European Economic Integration at the Romanian American University
 Madariaga European Foundation (Belgium)
Estonian Foreign Policy Institute (EVI)
 
Institute for Civilization and Culture (Slovenia)    European Institute at İstanbul Bilgi University (Turkey)
Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI) (Italy) 
Swedish Institute of International Affairs (UI)
 
Department of European Studies and Modern Languages at the University of Bath (United Kingdom)    Albanian Institute for International Studies (AIIS)
The Greek Centre of European Studies and Research (EKEME) 
Institute for Strategic Studies (ISS) (Poland)
 
Institute for European Studies at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel (VUB) (Belgium)    Eurocollege at the Tartu University (Estonia)
Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) (Sweden) 
Economic Development Foundation (IKV) (Turkey)
 
Center for European Programmes at the American University in Bulgaria    Europa-Institut (Germany)
 Robert Schuman Center for Advanced Studies (RSCAS) at the European University Institute (Italy)
Department of Political Science at the University of Lund (Sweden)
 
EGMONT (Royal Institute for International Relations) (Belgium)   Institute for European Environmental Policy (IEEP) (United Kingdom) 
 Institut d’Etudes Politiques de Strasbourg (France)
Faculty of International Relations of the EuroUniversity (Estonia)
 
College of Europe (Belgium)   Europe's Forum on International Cooperation (Euforic) (Netherlands) 
Istituto per gli Studi di Politica Internazionale (ISPI) (Italy) 
Cyprus Policy Center (CPC)
 
Open Estonia Foundation    Centre for European and Transition Studies (Latvia)
Cyprus Center for European and International Affairs 
Economic Policy Research Institute (TEPAV/EPRI) (Turkey)
 
Federal Trust for Education & Research (United Kingdom)    Institute of European Studies (IEE) at the Université Libre de Bruxelles (ULB) (Belgium)
European Centre for International Political Economy (ECIPE) (Belgium) 
 
Baltic Development Forum (Denmark)    Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies
Austrian Study Center for Peace and Conflict Resolution (ASPR) 
European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) (Belgium)
 

Institute for Security and International Studies (Bulgaria)

   Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS)
The European Institute of Romania 
Research Center of the Slovak Foreign Policy Association
 
Think Tanks and Civil Societies Program (TTSCP) (United States)    Constantinos Karamanlis Institute for Democracy (CKID) (Greece)
Center for EU Enlargement Studies (Hungary) 
Mediterranean Academy of Diplomatic Studies (MEDAC) (Malta)
 
The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies (HCSS) (Netherlands)   School of Political Life and Diplomacy at the Vytautas Magnus University (Lithuania) 
 Centre for Liberal Strategies (Bulgaria)
Institute of European Studies, Tallinn University of Technology (Estonia)
 
Notre Europe (France)    Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO) (Russian Federation)
Security & Defence Agenda (Belgium) 
Forum 2000 Foundation (Czech Republic)
 
Finnish Business and Policy Forum (EVA)    Center for International Relations (CIR) (Poland)
Institute of International Relations (IIR) (Czech Republic) 
Policy Association for an Open Society (PASOS) (Czech Republic)
 
Robert Schuman Foundation (France)    Solidar (Belgium)
Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) (Belgium) 
Estonian School of Diplomacy (ESD)
 
Department of Social and Political Studies at the University of Pavia (Italy)    Centre for EU Studies at the Ghent University
 Centre for International Development Issues at the Radboud University Nijmegen (Netherlands)
Polish Institute of International Affairs


 
   
 Hungarian Institute of International Affairs
The Finnish Institute of International Affairs
 
Israel/Palestine Center for Research and Information   Institución Futuro - think tank independiente (Spain) 
 Austrian Institute of International Affairs
Latvian Institute of International Affairs
 
Israel Center for Social and Economic Progress   Center for Applied Policy Research (C.A.P.) 
 International Policy Network (IPN - United Kingdom)
European Centre for Development Policy Management (ECDPM - Netherlands)
 
Universidad de Castilla-la Mancha (Spain)   University of Miami (United States) 
Manchester JMCE (United Kingdom) 
Institute for European Studies, Universidad San Pablo (Spain)
 
Centre for European Politics, University of Copenhagen (Denmark)    University of Oradea (Romania)
European Institute of Lodz (Poland) 
Universidad de A Coruña (Spain)
 
Institute of European Studies, Jagellonian University (Poland)    Maxwell School of Syracuse University (United States)
University of Malta 
Council for European Studies, Columbia University (United States)
 
Universität Salzburg (Austria)    University of Birmingham (United Kingdom)
International Centre for Policy Studies (Ukraine) 
Centre for Economics and Foreign Policy Studies (EDAM - Turkey)
 
Global Political Trends Center (GPoT - Turkey)   European Association of Development Research and Training Institutes (EADI - Germany) 
Centre for Strategic Studies, Jordan University (CSS) 
Centre for European Security Studies (CESS – Netherlands)


 
Gulf Research Center (GRC - United Arab Emirates)   Institute for Security and Defence Policy (ISDP - Sweden)
 
Jordan Center for Public Policy Research and Dialogue (JCPPRD) 
Atlantic Community (Germany – United States)
 
Swedish Institute for European Policy Studies (SIEPS)   Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs (PASSIA - Israel) 
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies (LCPS) 
Institut Européen des Relations Internationales (IERI - Belgium)
 
Centre for the Study of Wider Europe, National University of Ireland, Maynooth (NUIM)   Comenius University (Slovakia) 

The Summer 2010 issue of Europe's World looks at a number of policy areas where that lesson must be borne firmly in mind by today's decisionmakers. The global economic recession has laid bare a range of issues that need to be addressed very promptly before they develop further and become difficulties of a very different magnitude. It has also accentuated long-term trends to which Europe has so far failed to respond.

We feel it's fair to say that few if any publications in the field of international relations and policy debate have grown as fast or widened their scope so remarkably as Europe's World. Our 120,000 readers worldwide are drawn from politics, government, business, the media, universities and NGOs.

 
IS THE WELFARE STATE
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