Employment Week 2010
 
 
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REUNIFYING CYPRUS: THE BEST CHANCE YET

10/8/2008
Author : Economic Policy Research Institute (TEPAV/EPRI - Turkey)
 
A new peace process in Cyprus offers the best opportunity in decades to solve the intractable division of the island. The turnabout is largely due to the surprise election of Demetris Christofias to the Greek Cypriot presidency. He, together with his Turkish Cypriot counterpart, Mehmet Ali Talat, are demonstrating political will to make the current UN-mediated talks succeed. Key players like Turkey are being constructive.
The outside world, particularly the UN and European Union (EU), needs to fully engage in support of a comprehensive settlement that will improve Cypriot security and prosperity, free Turkey to continue its movement into Europe and overcome a problem that is increasingly damaging to EU policy in the region and beyond. Since their first meeting on 21 March 2008, Christofias and Talat have opened a new crossing at Ledra Street in the capital, Nicosia, and made solid progress in preparatory talks. In a joint statement on 23 May, they committed to establishing a bicommunal, bizonal federation as a partnership with a single international
identity and two equal Constituent States. The presidents are expected to meet again on 1 July and announce agreement on measures to improve bicommunal coordination in health, road safety and the environment. Either then or at the latest in mid-July, they should press forward and announce a 1 September 2008 start for full-fledged negotiations. Both sides know this is only a beginning, but that it could be the last chance for reunification for the foreseeable future. Several dynamics encouraging partition have emerged since the Annan Plan was accepted by the Turkish Cypriots but rejected by the Greek Cypriots in 2004 referendums. Failure in these negotiations would trigger a cycle of vengeful politics and mistrust on the island; further complicate EU-Turkey and EU-NATO relations; make the Cyprus problem a permanent irritant in the heart of the EU; and, if the 2007 rhetoric over Cypriot oil prospecting was an indication, bring new military tensions to the island.
In the run-up to and during the full-fledged talks, working groups and technical committees should continue to meet to develop options for the leaders to discuss.
Momentum must be maintained. Sceptics and nationalists on both sides are waiting for opportunities to derail the talks. Indeed, criticism of the process from the former hardline leaders, Tassos Papadopoulos, the Greek Cypriot president who lost his re-election bid in February 2008, and Rauf Denktash, for decades the Turkish Cypriot strongman, underlines how committed Christofias and Talat are to reaching a solution.

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Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (WIIW) (Austria) 
Fundacion para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Dialogo Exterior (FRIDE) (Spain)
 
Center for International Studies at the University of Cambridge (United Kingdom)   Faculty of International relations at the University of Economics in Prague (UEP) (Czech Republic) 
Kiel Institute for World Economics (Germany) 
Real Instituto Elcano de Estudios Internacionales y Estratégicos (Spain)
 
The Institute of Democratic Politics (IDP) (Lithuania)    Department of International Relations at the University of Padua (Italy)
 Institut der deutschen Wirtschaft Köln (Germany)
Institute of Public Affairs (IPA) (Poland)
 
Geneva School of Diplomacy and International Relations (Switzerland)    Friends of Europe (Belgium)
Mannheim Centre for European Social Research (MZES) (Germany) 
Hellenic Foundation for European & Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP) (Greece)
 
Institute for World Economics (IWE) (Hungary)    Russia in Global Affairs (Russian Federation)
Institute of European Affairs (IEA) (Ireland) 
Institute for Strategic and International Studies (IEEI) (Portugal)
 
Institute for International Relations (IMO) (Croatia)    Centre for European Integration Studies (CEIS) (Georgia)
Confrontations Europe (France) 
European Institute of the Mediterranean (IEMed) (Spain)
 
Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence at Freie Universität Berlin (Germany)    Faculty of studies of the European Economic Integration at the Romanian American University
 Madariaga European Foundation (Belgium)
Estonian Foreign Policy Institute (EVI)
 
Institute for Civilization and Culture (Slovenia)    European Institute at İstanbul Bilgi University (Turkey)
Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI) (Italy) 
Swedish Institute of International Affairs (UI)
 
Department of European Studies and Modern Languages at the University of Bath (United Kingdom)    Albanian Institute for International Studies (AIIS)
The Greek Centre of European Studies and Research (EKEME) 
Institute for Strategic Studies (ISS) (Poland)
 
Institute for European Studies at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel (VUB) (Belgium)    Eurocollege at the Tartu University (Estonia)
Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) (Sweden) 
Economic Development Foundation (IKV) (Turkey)
 
Center for European Programmes at the American University in Bulgaria    Europa-Institut (Germany)
 Robert Schuman Center for Advanced Studies (RSCAS) at the European University Institute (Italy)
Department of Political Science at the University of Lund (Sweden)
 
EGMONT (Royal Institute for International Relations) (Belgium)   Institute for European Environmental Policy (IEEP) (United Kingdom) 
 Institut d’Etudes Politiques de Strasbourg (France)
Faculty of International Relations of the EuroUniversity (Estonia)
 
College of Europe (Belgium)   Europe's Forum on International Cooperation (Euforic) (Netherlands) 
Istituto per gli Studi di Politica Internazionale (ISPI) (Italy) 
Cyprus Policy Center (CPC)
 
Open Estonia Foundation    Centre for European and Transition Studies (Latvia)
Cyprus Center for European and International Affairs 
Economic Policy Research Institute (TEPAV/EPRI) (Turkey)
 
Federal Trust for Education & Research (United Kingdom)    Institute of European Studies (IEE) at the Université Libre de Bruxelles (ULB) (Belgium)
European Centre for International Political Economy (ECIPE) (Belgium) 
 
Baltic Development Forum (Denmark)    Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies
Austrian Study Center for Peace and Conflict Resolution (ASPR) 
European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) (Belgium)
 

Institute for Security and International Studies (Bulgaria)

   Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS)
The European Institute of Romania 
Research Center of the Slovak Foreign Policy Association
 
Think Tanks and Civil Societies Program (TTSCP) (United States)    Constantinos Karamanlis Institute for Democracy (CKID) (Greece)
Center for EU Enlargement Studies (Hungary) 
Mediterranean Academy of Diplomatic Studies (MEDAC) (Malta)
 
The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies (HCSS) (Netherlands)   School of Political Life and Diplomacy at the Vytautas Magnus University (Lithuania) 
 Centre for Liberal Strategies (Bulgaria)
Institute of European Studies, Tallinn University of Technology (Estonia)
 
Notre Europe (France)    Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO) (Russian Federation)
Security & Defence Agenda (Belgium) 
Forum 2000 Foundation (Czech Republic)
 
Finnish Business and Policy Forum (EVA)    Center for International Relations (CIR) (Poland)
Institute of International Relations (IIR) (Czech Republic) 
Policy Association for an Open Society (PASOS) (Czech Republic)
 
Robert Schuman Foundation (France)    Solidar (Belgium)
Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) (Belgium) 
Estonian School of Diplomacy (ESD)
 
Department of Social and Political Studies at the University of Pavia (Italy)    Centre for EU Studies at the Ghent University
 Centre for International Development Issues at the Radboud University Nijmegen (Netherlands)
Polish Institute of International Affairs


 
   
 Hungarian Institute of International Affairs
The Finnish Institute of International Affairs
 
Israel/Palestine Center for Research and Information   Institución Futuro - think tank independiente (Spain) 
 Austrian Institute of International Affairs
Latvian Institute of International Affairs
 
Israel Center for Social and Economic Progress   Center for Applied Policy Research (C.A.P.) 
 International Policy Network (IPN - United Kingdom)
European Centre for Development Policy Management (ECDPM - Netherlands)
 
Universidad de Castilla-la Mancha (Spain)   University of Miami (United States) 
Manchester JMCE (United Kingdom) 
Institute for European Studies, Universidad San Pablo (Spain)
 
Centre for European Politics, University of Copenhagen (Denmark)    University of Oradea (Romania)
European Institute of Lodz (Poland) 
Universidad de A Coruña (Spain)
 
Institute of European Studies, Jagellonian University (Poland)    Maxwell School of Syracuse University (United States)
University of Malta 
Council for European Studies, Columbia University (United States)
 
Universität Salzburg (Austria)    University of Birmingham (United Kingdom)
International Centre for Policy Studies (Ukraine) 
Centre for Economics and Foreign Policy Studies (EDAM - Turkey)
 
Global Political Trends Center (GPoT - Turkey)   European Association of Development Research and Training Institutes (EADI - Germany) 
Centre for Strategic Studies, Jordan University (CSS) 
Centre for European Security Studies (CESS – Netherlands)


 
Gulf Research Center (GRC - United Arab Emirates)   Institute for Security and Defence Policy (ISDP - Sweden)
 
Jordan Center for Public Policy Research and Dialogue (JCPPRD) 
Atlantic Community (Germany – United States)
 
Swedish Institute for European Policy Studies (SIEPS)   Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs (PASSIA - Israel) 
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies (LCPS) 
Institut Européen des Relations Internationales (IERI - Belgium)
 
Centre for the Study of Wider Europe, National University of Ireland, Maynooth (NUIM)   Comenius University (Slovakia) 

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IS THE WELFARE STATE
A LUXURY THAT EUROPEAN COUNTRIES CAN NO LONGER AFFORD?

 

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