COMMENTARY

But it’s far from the black-and-white picture painted

Summer 2009
Jing Men is certainly right when she says that East Asia is becoming increasingly important to the EU. Trade, or more precisely trade interdependence, is certainly a major driver, although Europeans also know that success in our efforts to face up to climate change, the financial crisis, weapons proliferation and a host of other global issues will depend critically on forging effective alliances with the region.

It is the case that given geography, history and its network of alliances and military presence, the U.S. has a particular role to play in the security of East Asia. Jing Men contrasts this with the EU’s lower ‘hard power’ profile, and implies that as a result Europe lacks influence. But black and white pictures seldom do justice to reality.

Recent developments have shown that the EU can make a significant contribution to regional stability, even if its force projection remains limited. An obvious example is that of Aceh, where a dangerous conflict close to one of world’s most important sea-lanes was largely resolved through a partnership of Indonesia, ASEAN and the EU. The EU played the role of honest broker there, combining its strengths in security, democratisation and development in the Aceh Monitoring Mission. And we stay engaged in Aceh. This is neither hard nor soft; it is ‘smart’.

Yes, East Asia is one of the most dynamic regions of the world. But it is also one of the least integrated. Knowing the dangers inherent for their security and development, East Asian countries have been struggling for years to find ways of better managing their common space. ASEAN remains the best example of this and the EU, in addition to its longstanding financial and technical support, provided inspiration for their new charter, which should help to spur integration there.

And the EU is reaching out to the region in other ways: it has established strategic dialogues with China, the U.S. and Japan and has expressed its intention to accede to the Treaty on Amity and Cooperation which underpins the East Asia summit process, where the EU wishes to become an observer. Last October’s Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) summit enabled us to make common cause in dealing with the financial crisis. Europe has been consistently and publicly supportive of the six-party talks on North Korea and the cross-strait dialogue between China and Taiwan. The EU remains a major aid donor to those countries fighting poverty, and it funds conflict resolution efforts in many countries of the region.

The EU is negotiating a number of new generation partnership agreements with China, South Korea and ASEAN countries, and FTA’s with the latter two. The partnership accords include common commitments on security issues, like non-proliferation and counter-terrorism.

Last autumn’s postponement by Beijing of the EU-China summit was certainly a setback, but both sides have moved to put this behind them. China’s Prime Minister Wen Jiabao came to Brussels in January for talks with the Commission’s President José Manuel Barroso, and the summit was rescheduled to take place under the Czech presidency. Then there will be a further encounter in Beijing before the end of the year. And that is as it should be; we may have our differences on such matters such as human rights, but the EU and China need each other as never before. The financial crisis has given both sides a sharp reminder of just how interdependent we have become.

None of this is to deny that the EU should speak more effectively and with one voice when dealing with the region. And while complementarity with the U.S. and other partners is clearly important, Europe needs to reflect more on its own security involvement there. It’s very much on the agenda.

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1 COMMENT(S)
  • Re:But it’s far from the black-and-white picture painted

It's even a whiter shade of pale
By David Fouquet

It is often unknown or overlooked that the European Union has already established a substantial strategic and security dialogue with China. It is largely limited to being a dialogue, and not always result-oriented or time-bound, but in this way it is not so much different than many EU contacts on economic, financial or political discussions with its other strategic partners. But it should not be treated as if it doesn't exist or will never achieve any concrete results.

Some of the background, current and potential areas of useful dialogue and further concrete cooperation were pointed out earlier this year in a paper at the College of Europe conference devoted to EU-China relations.

The round of the EU-China strategic dialogue, conducted by the EU Council of Ministers secretariat, which took place in Beijing on January 19 was said to have been devoted in-depth discussions on such regional and international issues as Afghanistan, the Middle East, Somalia and the anti-piracy missions, and the Russia-Ukrainian gas dispute.

At other levels, EU and Chinese experts have been meeting regularly for the past several years to discuss proliferation, arms control and disarmament issues each semester either in Beijing, Brussels or Geneva. There may probably be a clause in the EU-China Partnership and Cooperation Agreement currently being negotiated that will specifically refere to proliferation and weapons of mass destruction that could open the way for even fuller interaction between the two, potentially significant in entering a period of renewed interest in global strategic arms reduction, non-proliferation and arms control negotiations.

In addition, another areas where progress and real "enhancement" may be said to have developed over proposals to have a dialogue over such issues as conflict prevention in other regional zones of tension, including security sector reform, inluding demobilisation, disarmament and retraining. An initial meeting was said to be contemplated early in 2009.This dialogue is said by European officials to be in part a recognition of the growing role of China in peacekeeping and other preventive diplomacy missions. In the latter category were mentioned the Chinese diplomatic efforts in Iran and the Middle East, as recently as in January 2009 during the hostilities in the Gaza Strip, when a Chinese envoy to Egypt and other states presented a five-point plan.

But regional issues are often and regularly discussed including at the so-called Troika level, in New York, or this May on the margins of the ASEM Foreign Ministers' meeting in Vietnam. Such meetings have and will continue to discuss such issues as the possible Chinese interests and role in Afghanistan, where the country has become a major investor in copper extraction. The Czech presidency in early 2009 has also taken a special interest in this dialogue since it leads a Provincial Reconstruction Team in the region were a major share of the Chinese investment is located. Discussions also focus on the forthcoming Afghan Presidential elections, which are supported by China.

Burma-Myanmar is another country often raised in such dialogues because of the special relationship said to exist between the two neighbours. On occasion, however, these discussions apparently enter into delicate and controversial territory, as illustrated by the reports that Foreign Minister Yang was angered and reacted vocally during one such session in 2008 when a European participant suggested China was not using all the influence it had on the Burmese government.

But it remains a fact that the EU is collectively unable or unwilling do be more dynamic, creative or concrete in the dialogue with China or other partners, in part because it has not yet fully implemented its CFSP capabilities. But with China bilaterally, with its other strategic partners, or within organisations such as the ASEAN Regional Forum, the only Asian security mechanism in which it and other outside powers are partners, or even with others such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, the EU could have, or at least should explore, a much more useful role. But in fairness, it should be acknowledged that what it already achieves or undertakes in such relations is already more than probably most of its 27 members can achieve individually.


By David Fouquet on 7/3/2009 18:41
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