Sir,
Anyone trying to define a new EU relationship with Russia faces a fundamental dilemma. Should it be based upon pragmatic self-interest or should it reflect a European system of shared values? If all the politicians, experts, analysts and others who are trying to draft a new bi-lateral agreement could only decide on the best way forward, a sound EU policy towards Russia might have a considerable influence over the future direction of the Russian Federation itself.
It is important at this stage that Europe avoids spending too much time trying to label Russia as semi-democratic, centralist, authoritarian or whatever. After all, the French system is a mixture of democracy and Bonapartism, but human rights in France still fall well within the European norm. Russia’s transition to a democratic and market-based system may have been accompanied by – shall we say – certain negative aspects. But should this process necessarily be regarded as anti-democratic?
What we need now is to reaffirm European standards through an agreement with Russia over economic benchmarks, including product standards, accounting practices, audit requirements and financial regulations. These standards need to be incorporated both into trade agreements and the everyday business practices of Russian companies seeking access to western markets. Not only will this aid Russia’s integration into a common European economic and social space, it will also help to consolidate Russia’s internal economic and social reforms.
However, it must also be recognised that Russia regards with caution the idea of integration with western institutions. Moscow puts great emphasis on achieving equal status in such organisations as the G-8 and WTO, as well as the UN, and is still unwilling to hand over parts of its sovereignty to supranational bodies. Russian worries and doubts about the west inevitably reduce trust in their relations with the EU and the US.
When discussing the basis of EU policy towards Russia, one must of course ask questions that go far deeper than the terms of bilateral trade. So when deciding whether Europe is motivated by shared values or self-interest, we must consider whether the EU is consistent in its demands that all former Soviet republics observe the equal human rights of their ethnic Russian populations. Has the EU ever criticised or rejected a US policy toward Russia because Washington was motivated exclusively by power politics? Has Russia’s status as a world power been systematically weakened by American geo-politics, with silent approval from the EU? If so, has this forced Russia into a position where its strategic needs inevitably take precedence over the pursuit of shared European values?
The answers to these questions clearly have a direct bearing on the direction of European policy towards Russia. The “Europeanisation” of Russia can only continue if Moscow feels confident that the forces of democracy aren’t driven by a desire to weaken its power. So the EU cannot expect to promote greater democracy in Russia and at the same time pursue anti-Russian geo-strategic goals. Since a democratic Russia is of greater importance than NATO expansion, it would be counter-productive to enlarge NATO to the point where it becomes a US-backed threat to Russian strategic interests.
Russia can in turn only be expected to support democratic change in neighbouring states if Moscow considers the process to be free of anti-Russian power politics. Would Russia support President Alexander Lukashenko of Belarus, for example, if Vladimir Putin felt certain that a more democratic Belarus would not turn against Russia? Attempts to use “democracy” to weaken Russia’s geo-political standing will only feed the anti-democratic forces in Belarus. Such is the iron logic of power.
I am therefore convinced that the European Union’s relationship with Russia must be built upon a substantive new agreement, one that increases mutual trust and respects Russia’s status as a power. The new partnership must be firmly rooted in a binding and comprehensive treaty, rather than some less formal agreement. It must enable Russia to become involved in the economic and social area that is ruled by EU standards and norms. It must also strengthen Russia’s democratic institutions and make the policies of both partners more transparent.
Reaching such an accord is the most important task that the EU and Russia can undertake this decade. If done properly, it could become a positive influence for the century and create the conditions under which pragmatic interests and shared values will enhance, not conflict, with each other.